Omar Ong dilahirkn dari ibu bapa kaum Tionghua. Oleh kerana bapanya bekerja dengan arwah Tan Sri Mohamed Rahmat, dia menyalahgunakan kedudukannya untuk masukkan Omar ke Sekolah Menengah Sains Muar.
Bapanya masuk Islam dan bertkar nama menjadi Mustapha. Ekoran itu, ibu bapanya berpisah.Omar masuk Islam juga dan kekal dibela ayahnya. Ketika itu dia sedang belajar di asrama penuh dan sedar-sedar namanya berubah jadi Omar.
Ayahny ajuga dinatar menjadi atache di kedutaan bangsa bersatu di New York. Di situlah Mustapha cuba nak memandai untuk kenakan Anwar Ibrahim dengan kisah pembawa teksi Arab bernama Jamal Amro.
Nama Omar Ong mula muncul dalam buku Khairy Chronicles yang kelur di Malaysia Today tapi dipercayai ditulis oleh Adlan Benan Omar. Petikan dari buku tersebut:
Part 2: Out of the wormhole
As a student at Oxford, expressing his doubts about Mahathir to fellow
Malaysians overseas, he came to the attention of a certain Omar Ong.
Omar Ong, as can be seen from his rather peculiar name, is an ethnic Chinese. He is the son of Mustapha Ong,
former Private Secretary to longtime Minister of Information Mohamad
Rahmat and for some time in the diplomatic service in New York and
Brazil. Currently living in New Zealand, Mustapha Ong became infamous
during the Anwar Ibrahim trials when it was revealed he had tried to
bribe a New York ethnic-Arab taxi driver called Jamal Amro to “confess”
that he had procured boys and women for Anwar. Jamal Amro refused and
instead made police reports accusing Mustapha Ong of trying to bribe him. Of course Mustapha Ong was
shielded by Mahathir, even though his over-enthusiasm in trying to
“fix” Anwar caused some embarrassment to the government, especially
amongst the diplomatic community overseas.
Anyway, Omar Ong was
a bit of a social climber and very ambitious. He tried to hitch his
star to rising politicians as a means of fast-tracking his own ascent to
power. He knocked on the door of Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim
through the good graces of some of his political secretaries.
This was partially successful, as Anwar was persuaded to receive Omar Ong and his group in a private audience. Several more meetings followed and Omar Ong was
hopeful that Anwar would be his ticket to heaven. In spite of that,
there was still some opposition from Anwaristas such as Suhaimi Ibrahim,
Fuad Hassan and Zahid Hamidi, who really wanted to keep Anwar all to
But a chance meeting with Daim Zainuddin made Omar
Ong soon realise that something was brewing in the very highest circles
and Anwar was going to be hit by a runaway bus, so to speak. Quickly,
while thanking his lucky stars, Omar Ong dropped “the Anwar project”
like a hot potato and tried to go for Najib Tun Razak instead. This was
around three months before Anwar was sacked by Mahathir.
Najib, however, was a hard nut to crack. Omar Ong realised
that Najib was surrounded by long time loyalists from his earlier days
in government who screen newcomers to his circle with a parent’s
protective eye. So it was decided that the next best thing would be
Hishamuddin Hussein was then just a junior
UMNO politician. But he had a very big name behind him. There was no
doubt that, after Hussein Onn died, Dr Mahathir felt that he owed a debt
of gratitude to the former third Prime Minister and his family. Dr
Mahathir began to put Hishamuddin on the fast track of politics, even
over and above Hishamuddin’s superiors in the UMNO Youth movement such
as Nazri Aziz and Zahid Hamidi. Hishamuddin got promoted several times
within a year.
These fast promotions took its toll on Hisham. He
was never a bright student or a sharp intellectual. Neither was he a
good speaker nor a great orator. He had an unfriendly face and almost
permanent crooked smile which reminded a fellow Minister of “the dead
pope – after he had died”. Omar Ong set about helping
Hishamuddin and his fellow student from Oxford, Khairy, came along as
well. Soon, Hishamuddin began to rely more on Khairy than on Omar Ong.
To pay his debt, Hishamuddin introduced Omar Ong and
his group to people close to Dr Mahathir such as his Political
Secretary, Datuk Johari Baharom, and ISIS Director-General, Dr Noordin
A coincidence at the time was that Abdullah Badawi’s
daughter had joined ISIS as a research assistant. And it was Noordin who
introduced the two. Abdullah Badawi was then a Vice-President of UMNO
and next inline should, for example, Anwar Ibrahim’s helicopter fall
suddenly from the air.
Anwar’s helicopter did fall (though he was
not on it at that time) but Anwar himself was booted out in September
1998. Like most other Malaysians, Khairy did not believe some of the
more bizarre accusations hurled against Anwar by Mahathir. But it was
the best of times, and the worst of times. There was opportunity and
both Khairy and Omar took it.
A myth developed
after Anwar’s fall from grace that Khairy had always been sympathetic to
Anwar’s “Reformasi” struggle. Rumours grew that a student who had
publicly asked Mahathir to resign in a gathering in London was really
Khairy. Another story was that Khairy was the then boyfriend of Anwar’s
daughter, Nurul Izzah, but they broke up when Anwar’s wife, Dr Wan
Azizah, refused to make Khairy her political secretary but instead
appointed another young man by the name of Nik Affendi Jaafar (now
Senior Public Relations Manager of the EPF)... ---------------------------
THE KHAIRY CHRONICLES
Part 5: The heir and the pretender ...
At that point, when Najib was most apprehensive about his political
future, Khairy took advantage of Najib’s weakness by putting several of
his people in Najib’s office. Khairy knew that many of Najib’s officers
were 110% loyal to Najib and served him selflessly. Amongst them was
Najib’s key point-man and trusted advisor, Datuk Alies Anor. But Khairy
was very wary of Alies Anor. Alies was close to ABIM (his wife is a
famous ABIM activist) and therefore close to Anwar Ibrahim. Indeed, many
of Najib’s junior officers were drawn from the pro-Anwar camp as Najib
had served Anwar as his Vice Youth Chief in the 1990s. As Anwar’s star
rose, Najib wanted to please him so he sheltered several Anwar
supporters in his office.
Other than Alies Anor, Najib had other
advisors who were more cosmopolitan and therefore opposed to Alies’
worldview. Chief amongst them was Abdul Razak Baginda and a shadowy
business figure called Rohana who controls Najib’s and his family’s
estates overseas -- such as their flats in London and houses in
Australia’s Melbourne and Gold Coast. Khairy approached these two
figures and convinced them that the best person to advice Najib was a
certain Omar Ong (see part 2 of the Khairy Chronicles).
Omar Ong became
Khairy’s point-man in Najib’s office. He installed himself in an office
a few doors away from Najib’s own and was given a chauffeur-driven car
as well as ranking in the civil service just one step below the Deputy
Secretary-General of the ministry.
But even that was insufficient. Khairy was worried that Najib might stray from the narrow road set before him by Omar Ong.
After all, Omar Ong was hardly the most charismatic of individuals and
as a Chinese convert to Islam he could be deemed an ‘outsider’ by Najib
Khairy then used another close friend called Dr Liew, his partner in his proxy company, Ethos Sdn Bhd, set up to dabble in government contracts. Khairy introduced Ethos
to Najib and quickly hired personnel on large monthly retainers to
advice Najib on several key Ministry of Defence jobs. Through their
joint participation, Najib’s advisors and civil servants found their
roles reduced and instead Liew and his officers began to take charge of
sensitive decisions made in the Ministry of Defence. Closed tender
contracts began to be awarded to companies associated to Omar Ong and Dr Liew.
old advisors, in particular Alies Anor, found this situation extremely
stifling. They realised they no longer had the undivided attention of
Najib. Instead, Najib began to listen more to Khairy’s people who would
also furnish Khairy reports on Najib’s daily movements. Further to that,
they used their position to block several key Najib allies from seeing
the Minister -- to such an extent that these people began to angrily
distant themselves from Najib.
They disrupted daily briefings
made by Alies Anor and the old officers, causing severe rifts in Najib’s
office. But Najib himself felt that this was a price worth paying. He
knew Alies was absolute loyal to him, even if he was removed from
office. Najib wanted the post of Deputy Prime Minister and he was
willing to pay any price, even kowtowing to Khairy’s boys if necessary.
Abdullah could not hold back the decision any longer and Najib found
himself Deputy Prime Minister as Dr Mahathir had planned. Khairy tried
to take full credit with Najib, even arranging huge media coverage
through Kalimullah Hassan Masheerul Hassan (Group Chief Editor of NST
and a Khairy stooge). However, once safely in office, Najib began to
wise up. He no longer felt he needed to pay as much attention to Khairy
or his boys as he did before. In short, Najib began to fight back and
loosen the chains that Khairy and Omar Ong had placed around him.
began to develop parallel young talents in his office, in direct
competition to Khairy’s boys. He chose Khairil Annas Yusof, an IIUM and
Oxford law graduate with an ABIM background (and therefore diametrically
opposed to Khairy’s worldview) as an additional Special Officer. Najib
also began to reduce Omar Ong’s role in writing his
speeches and relied more and more on Khairil Annas. Khairil Annas also
began to train Najib and help him improve his Malay speaking talents,
including the use of rhetoric and gestures, something out of sync with
Najib’s previous character.
Although Omar Ong is
the son-in-law of Fatwa Council chairman Ismail Ibrahim, his talents in
the religious department were severely lacking. Khairil Annas made up
for these deficiencies and quickly became Najib’s most trusted blue-eyed
boy. Khairy’s boys in Ethos also began to find that,
since he became Deputy Prime Minister, Najib was listening less and less
to them. Dr Liew, who was previously tasked with finding a solution to
the Felda problem, found himself muscled out by a new appointee in
charge of Felda affairs, a certain Ahmad Maslan, a Johor UMNO stalwart
of Anwar Ibrahim and former political secretary to Minister in the Prime
Minister’s Department, Datuk Mustapa Mohamad.
Dr Liew to propose that Felda dispose of its shares in several First
Board publicly-listed companies, such as Maybank, to parties close to
ECM Libra, a boutique investment bank owned by Kalimullah Masheerul
Hassan that employed Khairy as its director of Corporate Advisory. Dr
Liew thought he could easily push this matter through as it was more or
less an ‘instruction’ from Khairy. Instead, Najib used Ahmad Maslan to
block the deal while ordering a reassessment of the proposal based on
its merits ...
THE KHAIRY CHRONICLES
Part 16: The walls that talk ...
But not all the leaks come from Anwar’s side. There are also people
close to Khairy who have been doing the same. These are mostly his
closest confidantes in the Ethos Consulting circle who
move within the more Western-educated liberal young professional
network. To them, Anwar’s sacking and humiliation by Dr Mahathir Mohamad
was a travesty of justice and, in spite of their lack of open
opposition to that cruel episode, they continue to pronounce that it was
a black period in Malaysian politics. Khairy’s friends defend his
record by openly espousing that, in his personal capacity, Khairy is
sympathetic to Anwar’s plight. In fact, time and time again, these
groups are reminded of Khairy’s magnanimous visit to Anwar’s house the
night of the latter’s release from incarceration.
of friends comprise some young lawyers, bankers and political aspirants
who believe that Anwar’s rehabilitation is a giant step in the effort
to rid UMNO of the dregs of the Mahathir years. They tell themselves
that Anwar would bring back UMNO’s lost popularity amongst the Malay
heartland and revive Abdullah’s credentials as a liberal reformer.
Therefore, in their discussions, they often leak Khairy’s efforts to
reinstate Anwar within UMNO in order to portray Khairy as the voice of
the future. In other words, to the more liberal groups who comprise the
backbone of Khairy’s support, the discussions with Anwar is no bad
thing. On the other hand, it is the undisputed proof that Khairy is
serious about reforms and is not a politician shaped by UMNO’s older
Leaks from Khairy’s circle usually comprise of two groups.
The first group, those who are in immediate contact with Khairy such as
Omar Ong, Ahmad Zaki Zahid, Norza Zakaria, Lim Kian
Teck, Rozabil Abdul Rahman and others of that calibre, do not usually
discuss these issues in public. However, some are forced to do so. For
example, Omar Ong is nominally responsible to Najib Tun
Razak as his Special Officer. He is often provoked by Najib’s other
officers into giving them bits of information about Khairy’s movements
and political planning. In other words, information is often squeezed
out of Omar Ong as if he was a tube of toothpaste. Of
course, in the end, the news gets back to Najib and in separate meetings
with his more trusted advisors this information is sifted, analysed and
examined more thoroughly.
The second group of Khairy leaks
comprises those who were brought in by the first group as their support
technocrats. These include the younger members of Ethos Consulting,
YPCS and other such groups associated with Khairy. While they are known
to Khairy, they are definitely not his bosom buddies. Nevertheless,
whatever information they heard about Khairy’s movements is quickly
disseminated for the simple fact that each and every one of these young
and eager aspirants want to be seen by others as Khairy’s trusted
lieutenants. Often, their unguarded and exaggerated claims are passed on
to other friends who in turn make their own conclusions to the
detriment of Khairy ...
Dari petikan buku tersebut, Omar Ong adalah seorang yang anti Mahathir, pro Barat dan neo liberal dan sebagainya. Walaupun dia adalah anggota War room UMNO dan Bendahari UMNO Gelang Patah, dia tidak berperanan dalam pilihanraya umum di Gelang Patah malah tak tunjuk pun batang hidung.
Namun ramai mengetahui beliau sebagai anti-UMNO dan pemikirannya tidak kepada agenda UMNO. Beliau anti DEB, dan pro globalisasi dan leiberalisasi.
Apa sekali pun, ketika perkahwinannya dengan Ilhan anak kepada Prof Dato Ismail Ibrahim bekas KP IKIM dan Pengerusi majlis Fatwa kebangsaan, ayahnya Mustapha bangun berucap. Dalam ucapannya, dia menyebut, "Jangan lupa asal usul kamu."
Asal usul yang dimaksudkan ayahnya adalah keturunan mereka berdua sebagai orang Cina dan agenda kaum Cina.
Dia mungkin hidup di asrama penuh dengan Melayu, belajar ke Oxford dengan biasiswa orang melayu dari Petronas, bergaul sosial dalam International Malaysia Forum (IMF) yang melahirkan majallah Ethos dan mungkin sekali melahirkan Ethos Consulting yang diterajui Omar, beragama Islam macam orang Melayu, dan kini kahwin dengan orang Melayu, tapi ayahnya mahu dia ingat akan asal usulnya sebagai orang Cina.
Akhirnya dia ada hubungan sulit dengan wanita Cina hingga perkahwinannya ya ng membuahkan seorang anak lelaki dan seorang anak perempuan bertemu kesudahan. Bekas isterinya sudah kahwin lain dan dikatakan kini Omar Ong sudah berkahwin dengan wanita Cina tidka menunjukkan perawakan Islam pun. .
Polisi yang Omar Ong lahirkan dan desak dilakukan oleh Dato Najib semuanya membantu kaum Cina secara tidak langsung dan mengurangkan bantuan, kelebihan dan bimbingan ke[ada orang Melayu dan Bumiputera amnya.
Dia mencanangkan meriokrasi untuk membantu kaumnya Cina, menuntut tutup Kementeriaan Keusahawanan, memansuhkan ISA dan EO supaya orang Cina boleh mendesak hingga melanggar undang-undang dan batas kesopanan dan kesusilaan, membawa pegawai Cina masuk petronas untuk membuka luas pengausaan orang Cina dalam petronas dan menghentikan agenda kebangsaan yang dibawa Petronas selama ini, dan lain-lain.
Omar Ong membantu membuat orang Melayu benci kepada kepimpinan kerajaan dan UMNO.
Secara tidak sengaja, tiada bezanya Omar Ong dan Lim Guan Eng. Omar bergerak di dalam koridor kerajaan dan Lim Guan ENg mempengaruhi melalui polisi kerajaan negeri dan tuntutan dan desakan dari luar kerajaan pusat.